The end of the Winter War
The road to peace and the closure of the war
The first probe
After the Soviet Union lost it's chance of a quick victory during December
1939 and after Finland managed to achieve considerable victories, the
attitude of foreign powers towards the Finnish government started to
change. The Soviet government, which had declined to start any negotiations
with the Finnish government in Helsinki during December 1939 (the USSR
had considered it's puppet government, "the government of the Democratic
Republic of Finland", led by a Finnish communist Otto Ville Kuusinen,
to be the only legitimate government of Finland) suddenly, in late January,
responded to a Finnish attempt to explore the possibilities of a peace
The previous attempts made through the US and Germany had been rejected,
but on January 29th, the Swedish Foreign Minister Christian Gunther
received a telegram from Molotov via Aleksandra Kollontai, the Soviet
ambassador in Sweden, in where the Soviet government announced that
"the Soviet government is not opposed to concluding an agreement
with the Ryti-Tanner government," and if the Finns made "adequate
proposals," meaning that negotiations with the Finnish government
in Helsinki could be started. The telegram was a political turning point
of the war. The "People's Government of Kuusinen" was as suddenly
as it was formed supplanted from any political role.
The offer of negotiations had, considering the present situation, hard
conditions. Molotov was only willing to negotiate, if the large demands
of the previous Fall was included. This made it hard for the Finnish
government to decide the next course of action. The Front-line was still
far from the line that the USSR was demanding, and the situation on
the fronts quite stable.
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The Finnish government responded on February 2nd, announcing that
it was willing to negotiate if the Soviet demands would be lighter.
On February 6th, the Soviet government responded with a negative answer,
but it left open the possibility for a new contact in the future.
As the Finnish government sent it's response to the first Soviet
telegram, the Red Army started it's major offensive in the Karelian
Isthmus, and the Finnish situation on the Karelian Isthmus started
On Feb. 6th, the Finnish government was told that the Allied High
Command had decided to offer military help to Finland if it would
be formally asked. (The allied motive behind this was morally questionable.
The objective of the expedition force was firstly to increase military
presence in Scandinavia, threatening the ore-transports from North
Sweden to Germany, and secondly to help Finland.) The French had been
especially fond of the idea, but the somewhat obscure plans were starting
to get shape only after the British took a supportive stand during
(The Soviet government was aware of these plans right from the start.
The expedition force was a real threat to the Soviet government, as
it was now possible that the Winter War would escalate into a conflict
between the allies and the Soviet Union.)
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offered by the Allies
The Allied plan, approved on February 5th, by
the Allied High Command, consisted of 100 000 British and 35 000
French troops to be sent to Narvik, and from there "towards
Finland" securing the supply routes along the way. It was
hoped that this would eventually bring the two still neutral Nordic
countries, Norway and Sweden into the Allied side (by strengthening
their positions against Germany).
Many criticized the plan right from the start.
The British War Office marked that the allies were totally unprepared
for such a venture. Despite many protests, the plan was agreed
to be launched on March 20th 1940 if two conditions were met:
1) Finland would plead
for help, and
2) Norway and Sweden would grant passage.
(The British Marshal E.Ironside criticized the plan openly, he
said that he was sure that the Nordic countries would oppose any
allied transit attempts "...what would these countries hope
to gain by giving a permission for transit? They would almost
certainly have to face Germany and be occupied!" The British
Marshal A.Brook called the plan "The Finnish wild goose",
adding that dividing the allied forces would result in "certain
The strength of the Allied forces, that would
really arrive to Finland's aid was always uncertain (the telegrams
from London and from Paris gave different numbers). The estimations
ranged from 50 000 (most optimistic) to 6 000 (most pessimistic).
As the peace negotiations were in the closing
phase, the last allied offer arrived, where 57 000 men were promised
to come to Finland's aid. From this number 15 000 would arrive
within 3 weeks, and the rest as soon as possible. It was Mannerheim's
opinion, that the help wouldn't arrive in time to help much, that
the final Finnish plead for help was never sent to the Allies.
The Finnish government was now forced to make a decision about the
next course of action, considering the following triangle of unknowns
1.) The situation on the fronts
(it was steadily getting worse)
2.) The Allied offer to send direct military
help (the offer was still uncertain and too small, and were
the allies really prepared to help Finland? )
3.) The Soviet offer for negotiations
(the demands were unacceptable at the time, as they were considered
to be too hard).
The Finnish political leadership was divided with different opinions.
On Feb. 10th, the whole day was spent debating the next course of
action. The best order for the following possibilities by the Foreign
Minister Väinö Tanner was 1) to make peace with the Soviet
Union (an opinion that was supported by the Finnish General HQ), 2)
to receive sufficient help from Sweden (it was asked in early February
and the answer was a clear "no"), 3) the last option would've
to be the help from the allies (the Finnish General HQ judged the
Allied effort to be inadequately prepared). Some members of the Cabinet
opposed peace, as it incorporated large territorial cessions. It was
ultimately the situation on the front-line that tipped the scale to
favor the decision to pursue peace as recommended by Tanner and the
Finnish Prime Minister Risto Ryti (The Finnish President K.Kallio,
Marshall Mannerheim and Minister J.K.Paasikivi were also voting for
the peace, while ministers Niukkanen, Hannula and J.Söderhjelm
were against it).
On February 12th, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs received the peace
terms via the Finnish ambassador Erkko in Stockholm. The Soviet Union
demanded that in addition to Hanko, Finland had to cede the whole
Karelian Isthmus and the area north of Lake Ladoga.
On Feb. 13th, Tanner traveled to Stockholm and met the Swedish Prime
Minister Hansson, who gave a negative answer for Finnish pleads for
substantial (other than volunteers and supplies) military assistance.
The decision was a disappointment to the Finns, especially as the
decision was published in a Swedish newspaper on Feb. 16th followed
by an announcement by the King of Sweden emphasizing the Swedish neutrality.
On the other hand, this was made (according to the Swedish explanation)
to recommend the Finnish government to pursue peace and not to hope
for substantial military assistance from Sweden.
On Feb. 15th, Mannerheim was forced to state that the Finnish counter
attacks in the Lähde-sector in Summa had been unsuccessful and
the II Corps was ordered to withdraw to the intermediate line (Väliasema
The new Soviet
demands, late February
On Feb. 21st, the foreign affairs committee was summoned
by Tanner, and the situation was discussed. Tanner reported the situation
on the front and the prerequisites for peace. That same evening, Tanner
asked the Swedish Foreign Minister Gunther to act as an intermediary
in the process. Two days later, the detailed demands from Molotov were
received via the Swedish ambassador in Moscow, Minister Assarsson.
The Finnish government discussed the terms that same
evening. It was decided that before the final decision was made, the
final answers had to be get from Sweden about the possible Swedish assistance
and to permit the Allied expeditionary force to cross Swedish territory.
The written answer was handed to Erkko by Gunther the next day. No extra
assistance was possible and the permission for the Allied troops couldn't
be given. The Swedish Prime Minister Hansson told later, that Sweden
would be dragged into war against Finland on the Soviet side if Allied
troops would try to cross Sweden against it's will.
In the meeting of the foreign affairs committee on Feb.
28th, Tanner stated that Finland didn't have any other options left
than accept the peace by the given demands, and the PM Ryti, ministers
V.Kotilainen, J.K.Paasikivi, P.Heikkinen and J.Koivisto agreed. President
Kallio thought that the opinion of Mannerheim was essential in the decision,
so the decision was delayed for a day. Mannerheim had a very pessimistic
view of the situation, and the military high command was unanimously
in favor for peace. After this, the whole government, except the Minister
of Education U.Hannula, were ready to accept the peace terms.
A message was sent to Erkko in Stockholm, in where the
Finnish government was accepting the terms as the starting point for
negotiations. But this message was not to be handed to Gunther to be
delivered without a special order.
On March 1st, at 1030 hrs, this order was the subject
in a meeting of President Kallio and the Cabinet. The Allied activity
had increased during the previous night, and the new official French
declaration was that 50 000 men would arrive to Finland in late March.
France and Britain would take care of the permissions from Norway and
Sweden. France made also a request to stop any further negotiations
with the Soviet Union. The size and speed of the promised help had a
clear effect on the Finnish Cabinet. No-one was demanding a clear acceptance
of the Soviet peace terms. A new, less accepting message was sent to
Erkko in Stockholm, that would be sent to Molotov.
On March 3rd, Tanner and Gunther had a telephone conversation,
in where Tanner stated that Finland was ready to negotiate if two cities,
Viipuri and Sortavala, would be left to the Finns. The telegram to Moscow
was sent that same day. On March 5th, the response from Molotov came
in via Gunther. The Soviet Union was not giving in to any lesser terms
than already stated. The response from Tanner was given right away,
the Finnish government was ready to negotiate for peace.
On March 6th, at 0100 hrs, the Swedish ambassador Assarsson
received the response from Molotov. At 1500 hrs, the Cabinet and President
Kallio decided that the Finnish delegation was to consist of PM Ryti,
Paasikivi, Major General Walden and V.Voionmaa, a Member of the Parliament.
While the Finnish delegation had already left, discussions
were continued about the plead for Allied help. Mannerheim was considering
the situation so severe that the plead should be made in order to relieve
some political pressure from the Soviet Union. The problem was, that
by each evaluation of the possibility of the Allied help, that would
actually arrive in time to make an effect, the numbers changed into
a smaller and smaller number. Tanner stated that the plead for the Allied
powers was no longer a feasible choice.
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On March 8th, the first negotiation was made, the Soviet representatives
were Molotov, A.Zdanov and General A.M.Vasilevski.
While the Finnish delegation expressed that the demands were extremely
hard for the Finnish people to accept, not to mention the economical
effects. At the end of his speech, Ryti continued "...I hope
that in an atmosphere of conciliation, a solution could be found
that would adequately meet the military demands of the Soviet Union,
without leaving utter bitterness into the hearts of the Finnish
Paasikivi described Molotov's reaction in the following way "...
To these reasonable and quite true words Molotov responded in a
way, that showed that he couldn't comprehend the situation from
our point of view".
Molotov response began by a statement that "...the Soviet Union
didn't want war... we were patient with you last Fall, and tried
to find a peaceful solution. But nothing came out from those negotiations.
This is a sign of Finnish hostility towards the Soviet Union, and
the hostility was even greater than we had thought." Molotov
blamed the Finnish government of planning to allow hostile forces
to cross it's territory in an attack against the Soviet Union. That's
why the issue of the safety of Leningrad is even more important,
and the old demands aren't enough. The other demands in the north
are only to secure the Murmansk railroad and to secure Murmansk
from hostile intentions.
The negotiations were ended in a hidden ultimatum, "...Our confidence
has been betrayed...Finland is to accept these demands in full, or the
war will continue."
On the next day, the detailed demands were sent by telegram to Helsinki.
The President and the Cabinet discussed the terms in two meetings. All
attendants were shocked by the final terms. Minister Hannula demanded,
as before, that the appeal to the Allies should be made, this time backed
up by the Defense Minister Niukkanen. The first meeting was ended when
Mannerheim phoned that he would give a detailed report of the current
situation at 2200 hrs.
The report was grim indeed. The situation at the front was near
catastrophic. The commander of the II Corps, Lt.Gen. Öhquist,
stated that the front could maybe hold for a week, but no more.
The Finnish suffered average daily losses of nearly 1 000 men, and
especially the officer losses were alarming. The only conclusion
was, that any delays in the peace negotiations would result only
in worse conditions and harder demands.
Again, all attendants, except Hannula and Niukkanen, supported the
motion of giving the delegation full authorization in accepting the
peace. President Kallio, who had had some doubts in continuing the negotiations
was alarmed by Mannerheim's report, that he supported the authorization
of the delegation.
During March 10th and 11th, Mannerheim phoned Tanner many times trying
to speed up the negotiations. "Viipuri is going to fall in a few
days..." was his view of the situation.
In the morning of March 12th, the Presidential letter of attorney was
approved by the Cabinet, giving the delegation full authorization to
sign the peace treaty. After signing the letter, President Kallio uttered
"This is the most horrible paper I've ever signed... Let my hand
wither, which is forced to sign such a paper." (my translation,
the text in the original Finnish form:"Tämä on kamalin
paperi, jonka olen koskaan allekirjoittanut... Kuivukoon käteni,
joka on pakotettu tällaisen paperin allekirjoittamaan"). Minister
Niukkanen wanted to resign immediately, but Tanner persuaded him to
keep the Cabinet together until the peace was signed.
The peace treaty was eventually signed in the early hours of March
13th, but it was dated to the previous day, the text being dictated
by the Soviet Union. The treaty was written in three languages, Finnish,
Swedish and Russian. Both sides got a copy of each version.
- The Finnish Parliament decided to ratify the treaty on March 15th
by 145 votes (a total of 200 members of Parliament, 3 of whom voted
against the ratification, 9 voted "empty" and 42 didn't attend,
Voionmaa was in the delegation, so his vote was not included).-
At 1100 hrs, the cease-fire began, and the front was suddenly dead
At 1530 hrs, the Finnish military flag was first lowered into half-mast,
hoisted Back to Top, and finally lowered in the Castle of Viipuri (unlike
the Soviet sources indicated after the war, the Red Army never conquered
Viipuri during the Winter War, reaching only the suburbs in early March
without ever taking the city center). This was the third time during
the Citadel's 650-year history when a "western" flag was lowered
in face of an eastern enemy.
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The Moscow Peace Treaty
The new SE border will follow in principle
the border of "Peter the Great" drawn in 1721, where
the entire Karelian isthmus with the city of Viipuri, the
whole of Viipuri Bay with its islands, as well as the territory
west and north of Lake Ladoga with the cities of Käkisalmi
and Sortavala, are ceded.
A part of the area near Salla and Kuusamo
are ceded, due to the closeness of the Murmansk railroad
In Kalastajasaarento (the island NE
of Petsamo, Rybachi Peninsula in English), the western part
of the island is ceded
The Finnish islands in the eastern part
of Gulf of Finland are ceded (Suursaari and the islands to
Hanko and the surrounding area is for
30 years (the Soviet Union gets the right to establish a military
base, with as much armed forces as deemed necessary)
Additional demands / conditions
Finland is to build
a railroad from Salla to Kemijärvi, connecting eventually
to the Swedish railroad network. (This was a major threat,
as it would create a good supply route for an attack through
Finland to the Swedish border).
The Soviet Union
(and it's citizens) gets the right to go through Petsamo to
The Finnish naval
strength in the Arctic is restricted to 400 tons (wasn't a
big demand since the Finnish Navy didn't have any notable
A trade agreement
is to be made between Soviet Union and Finland
All evacuated "installation"
equipment, from the ceded territory is to be returned. The
Finnish opinion was, that this would apply only to equipment
evacuated after the peace was signed. But the Soviet opinion
was that, regardless of the time of evacuation, the equipment
of economical installations including e.g. hotels, mills,
hospitals, movie theaters and sanitariums were to be returned.
As a result, the equipment of some 70 installations were returned
alongside with 75 locomotives and some 2 000 carriages (some
10 % of Finland's total railroad equipment), a large number
of cars, trucks etc., 78 different vessels and 267 barges.
The Enso (Svetogorsk)
industrial area was in the original peace treaty clearly on
the Finnish side of the border (as in fact stated by the Finnish-Soviet
border committee). On March 20th, the Soviet Union demanded
the area to itself. Enso had no military significance whatsoever,
but it was extremely important to Finland's economy. A strong
Soviet military detachment came to the border where they told
the local Finnish commander Major V.Ursin that they were under
the direct command of the Soviet high command to occupy the
Enso industrial installations. As a result, on March 21st,
to prevent the hostilities from erupting, Major Ursin issued
an order to withdraw. Later the maps showing the borderline
were modified to include this new Soviet "gain".
- Both parties refrain from any attacks, alliances
or coalitions that are directed against the other.
(Note, that the Soviet Union withdrew from Petsamo,
even while it had occupied the area during the war. The reason
behind this was probably that Kremlin didn't want any further
deterioration of relationships with the British, as a British-Canadian
Mining Co. held the mining license to the Petsamo nickel mines.)
of the Finnish people
To the Finnish public, the hard peace terms came as a shock. Feelings
ranged between utter disbelief to rage against the aggressor. While
Finland had gained major victories against the Soviet forces invading
Finland in northern Finland and Ladoga Karelia, and the Soviet losses
in the Isthmus had been massive, the general public was mostly unaware
of how close the Finnish Army was from complete exhaustion and running
out of ammunition. Nearly all had believed, that if the peace would
come, the new border would run along the line that was held stubbornly
in the last days.
On March 13th, everywhere in Finland, the national flag was hoisted
of the treaty on the Finnish economy
The ceded territory was over 10 % of Finland's territory, some 40 000
km² (roughly the size of the Netherlands).
The ceded territory had housed some 450 000 Finns, roughly 12 % of
the total population. Nearly 100 % of the Finnish population moved to
Finland (quite rare in the world history), rather than becoming Soviet
citizens. This was a good thing for Finland as a nation, but a major
burden for the economy. (As the ceded territories were empty, this made
it easier to the Soviet Union to merge them into "Soviet"
territory by simply transporting thousands of people into the new areas).
The peace treaty inflicted a severe blow to the Finnish economy. One
of the most severe problems was grain. The ceded territory, and the
fact that the war had ended any fertilizer imports to Finland combined
with bad weather had decreased the Finnish grain production to 60 -
65% of the required. Famine was a threat.
Over 10 % of Finnish agricultural areas were lost (mostly in the Karelian
Isthmus). Over 60 % of the local population had earned their livings
from agriculture, and 84 % of the farms were small (below 10 hectare)
owned by independent peasants.
11 % of the total deposit of forests was lost by the ceded territories
(note that the forests in the south grow faster than in middle - north
Finland, a seemingly insignificant thing, but on a national scale, quite
important). Alongside the forests, 15 % of the wood industry (sawmills,
paper mills etc.) was lost, not to mention other industry.
Over 17 % of Finland's electricity output was lost, as was 17 % of
the railroad network. Many ancient waterways (important e.g. in transporting
logs to sawmills) were severed, as was the Saimaa-canal, a really important
route from the big lakes in SE-Finland to Viipuri. Viipuri was Finland's
third biggest city, a prosperous trading center and the biggest port
for timber exports.
Hanko, which was leased for 30 years, was an important port and an
Nickel was the only strategic natural resource that Finland had. It's
importance to Germany and to the Soviet Union was only growing, the
longer the world war was lasting. The increased Soviet presence and
interest in the Petsamo region would prove to be a real headache for
the Finnish leadership in the following months.
The losses of civilian property was enormous. In addition to industrial
(and the like) buildings, e.g. over 600 schools, 15 different institutes,
33 orphanages, hospitals, a valuable historical archive were lost to
the former enemy. The task of rebuilding the destroyed and damaged homes
and installations at the Home Front, and providing new homes to the
Karelian refugees was an enormous for a small nation like Finland, especially
since the threat of a future conflict was clear and the country was
still arming itself